Here is a link to the AP news story.
Ingham County judge Paula Manderfield expected to rule in the next few weeks.
Here is a link to the AP news story.
Ingham County judge Paula Manderfield expected to rule in the next few weeks.
From ICT:
As the spirits whispered through the towering pines on 40 mile per hour winds atop sacred Eagle Rock, American Indian warrior Levi Tadgerson said, “you can feel our relatives and the spirits with us.”
He stood on the cliff’s edge looking out upon northern Michigan’s Yellow Dog Plains for another approaching storm – literally and figuratively – as Tadgerson’s fellow warriors are trying to stop an international mining giant from destroying the site where Ojibwa ceremonies have taken place as long as elders can remember.
In late April, Kennecott Eagle Minerals began site preparation work for its sulfide mine called the Eagle Project. The entrance to the nickel and copper mine will be built at sacred Eagle Rock.
“We are defending the water, we are defending our treaty rights and our right to practice our culture,” said Tadgerson, who describes himself as “an Anishinaabe man who loves and respects the environment.
“We’re defending our right to live a healthy life and have our kids live a healthy life.”
The Keweenaw Bay Indian Community and numerous environment groups are worried because sulfuric acid is a byproduct of sulfide mining plus several companies have announced plans for dozens of similar mines.
Kennecott says environmental protection is a major concern, but opponents say the way the company has operated other mines doesn’t show it.
Alex Tallchief Skibine has posted his paper, “Culture Talk or Culture War in Federal Indian Law?“, forthcoming in the Tulsa Law Review (2010).
Here is the abstract:
In this article, I ask whether in the area of Native American cultural and religious rights federal law is more inclined towards “culture talk” meaning accommodations and compromises, or whether the attitude is more one of “culture war,” meaning geared towards confrontation and intolerance. I answer the question by focusing on how the law has treated Native American rights in four areas: use of peyote and controlled substances, possession of eagle feathers, implementation of the Native American Graves Protection Act, and protection of sacred sites. Not surprisingly, I conclude that there are both culture talks and culture wars going on. On the other hand, perhaps surprisingly, I find that among the three branches of the federal government, the courts have been the least willing to accommodate Native cultural and religious interests
Mary Ann King published “Co-Management or Contracting? Agreements Between Native American Tribes and the U.S. National Park Service Pursuant to the 1994 Tribal Self-Governance Act” in the Harvard Environmental Law Review.
From the introduction:
Indianz.com published the rehearing petitions from the US and the Arizona Snowbowl operators and the oppositions from the Hualapai, Navajo, and Hopi tribes all in one document, here.
Our previous post on this case, with all the materials from the earlier 9th Circuit proceedings (again courtesy of Indianz) is here.
From Indianz.com:

The sacred San Francisco Peaks in Arizona. Photo Deborah Lee Soltesz/U.S. Geological Survey.
Court Order:
Navajo Nation v. US Forest Service (October 17, 2007)
Earlier Decision:
Navajo Nation v. US Forest Service (March 12, 2007)
Listen to Oral Arguments:
Navajo Nation v. Forest Service (September 14, 2006)
Appeals Court Documents:
Opening Brief [Word DOC] | Reply Brief [Word DOC]
Lower Court Decision:
Navajo Nation v. US Forest Service (January 11, 2006)
Approval Documents:
Final Environmental Impact Statement for Arizona Snowbowl Facilities Improvement | Forest Service Approves Snowmaking at Arizona Snowbowl
Relevant Links:
Save the Peaks Coalition – http://www.savethepeaks.org
Coconino National Forest – http://www.fs.fed.us/r3/coconino/index.shtml
For academic scholarship on sacred sites, see Kristen A. Carpenter’s work here.
Real Property and Peoplehood by Kristen Carpenter (Denver)
From the abstract:
This Article proposes a theory of “real property and peoplehood” in which lands essential to the identity and survival of collective groups are entitled to heightened legal protection. Although many Americans are sympathetic to American Indian tribes and their quest for cultural survival, we remain unable to confront the uncomfortable truth that the very thing Indian peoples need is their land, the same land that the U.S. took from them. This is especially the case with regard to the sacred sites of Indian peoples, whose religions and cultures are inextricably linked to those sites. Federal law permits the United States to destroy sacred sites essential to Indian ceremonial practices. The Supreme Court has held that destruction of sacred sites does not impinge on individual religious belief and falls within the government’s powers as an owner of the public lands. Although recent federal policy has evolved in favor of accommodating Indian sacred sites practices, land management agencies use their considerable discretion to permit competing uses of the public lands – such as natural resource development and tourism – that threaten the physical integrity of sacred sites. Such decisions devastate Indian people and undermine our shared expectation of free exercise rights for all Americans. Thus, federal law needs to prioritize Indian interests in sacred sites over competing uses of the public lands. Unfortunately, we don’t yet have a legal theory justifying such a position.
My theory of real property and peoplehood furthers the work of scholars who have recognized the relationship between human beings and property, albeit in other contexts. Most influentially, Professor Margaret Jane Radin has long argued for special legal protection of property that expresses an individual’s sense of self and therefore cannot be translated into a monetary value. But whereas Radin focuses on property that expresses individual personhood, I am interested in property that expresses collective “peoplehood”. As a descriptive matter, this concept of peoplehood reflects that, even in the United States where the individual rights paradigm dominates, individuals affiliate themselves along sub-national political, religious, ethnic, and cultural lines and their exercise of fundamental liberties occurs in those contexts. As a normative concept, John Rawls has argued that as a matter of “reasonable pluralism,” liberal states like the United States should recognize peoples and treat them fairly. To do otherwise is to fall short of our best democratic principles, such as the idea that all Americans are entitled to religious freedom. Working at the confluence of Radin and Rawls, the Article argues that Indian tribes are peoples whose legitimate interests in sacred sites deserve special legal protection as a testament to American liberty for both individuals and groups.