Here is the petition from BMIC, Little T, and Sault Tribe.

Here is the petition from BMIC, Little T, and Sault Tribe.

EPA and the Army Corps have supplemented their proposed WOTUS rule with alternatives that could sharply reduce federal protection for Tribal waters in a prepublication document shared at the link above.
The agencies are now considering limiting “relatively permanent” waters to those flowing virtually year-round and requiring wetlands to contain perennial surface water continuously connected to another jurisdictional water, a standard they acknowledge would exclude most intermittent streams and a majority of currently jurisdictional adjacent wetlands, with especially significant effects in the arid West.
The proposal would result in significant implications for Tribes, since most eligible Tribes lack TAS authority to administer Clean Water Act programs, many lack resources to build equivalent Tribal programs, and pollution may originate in adjacent jurisdictions. In other words, the federalism premise that another sovereign can simply regulate waters abandoned by the federal government often fails in Indian country. The Tribal regulatory gap would effectively be made more consequential under this proposed substantially narrower federal rule. Tribes may request government-to-government consultation at CWAwotus@epa.gov once the supplemental notice is published in the Federal Register, opening the 30-day comment period.
From the supplemental notice of proposed rulemaking:
The agencies acknowledge that because they generally implement Clean Water Act programs on Tribal lands, a reduced scope of Federal jurisdiction as a result of the Sackett decision will affect Tribes differently than it will affect States. Currently, of the Tribes that are eligible, most have not received treatment in a manner similar to a State (TAS) status to administer Clean Water Act regulatory programs. While some Tribes have established Tribal water programs under Tribal law or have the authority to establish Tribal programs under Tribal law, many Tribes are still building capacity and may lack resources to create a Tribal water program under Tribal law, to administer a program, or to expand programs that currently exist.
Therefore, Tribes may disproportionately rely on the Federal Government for water program implementation and enforcement of water quality violations. Tribes may also be affected by pollution from adjacent jurisdictions. Many Tribes are located in the arid West, where there are fewer waters that may meet the relatively permanent standard. Nonetheless, the proposed rule, as supplemented by this notice, preserves Tribal authority to choose whether to include waters that are not covered under the Clean Water Act under Tribal laws and regulations. Any decision by the Tribes to protect beyond the limits of the Clean Water Act is not compelled by the statute or by this proposed rule, as supplemented.

Here are the new materials in Cow Creek Band of Umpqua Indians v. Dept. of the Interior (D.D.C.):
Prior post here.

Here are the materials in Luger v. United States (Fed. Cl.):

The Northern Cheyenne Tribal Court recently granted partial summary judgment in a case arising from a dispute between Northern Cheyenne Traditional Chiefs invoking asserted traditional authority and members of the Tribe’s elected Council.
Judge Frans Andersson held that the September 10, 2025 Chiefs’ Declaration, which purported to remove eight elected Council members, was void and had no legal effect. Because those officials had never lawfully been removed, the court also concluded that the subsequent special election could not create a lawful replacement Council. The defendants were ordered to “immediately peaceably surrender” control of the Council offices and government resources to the plaintiff Council members.
What’s especially interesting is the court’s treatment of custom and tradition. The opinion doesn’t treat them as irrelevant to Tribal governance. Rather, it recognizes their continuing cultural and political significance while distinguishing that influence from the exercise of governmental power under the Tribe’s Constitution.
Any exercise of the inherent power of custom and tradition must occur within the bounds of the law governing the Tribe.
In other words, custom and tradition can inform and legitimate Tribal governance, but under the Northern Cheyenne governmental structure addressed in this case, they cannot independently displace the Constitution’s procedures for removing elected officials. Traditional leaders remain free to pursue political change through mechanisms available under Tribal law, including the constitutional referendum process.
The Forest Service has provided me with useful clarification about the Tribal consultations underlying USDA’s proposed rescission of the 2001 Roadless Rule. But its response also sharpens the fact that as Tribes prepare comments due September 21, USDA’s proposed rule, DEIS, and Tribal Impact Statement rely on information obtained through consultation while the underlying consultation record remains inaccessible for review.
In an August 31 response to my request for consultation records, the Forest Service confirmed that:
Those answers clarify what the number 29 represents. But they don’t disclose which Tribes participated, when the consultations occurred, who attended, what information or recommendations were presented, what materials were exchanged, or how the Forest Service responded.
I requested a consultation log and the associated correspondence, agendas, notes, recordings, transcripts, presentations, and other exchanged materials. The Office of Tribal Relations referred that portion of the request to the Forest Service’s FOIA program.
USDA proposed rule and DEIS relies on the consultation information
This isn’t a situation in which consultation occurred alongside the rulemaking but played no role in USDA’s analysis.
The proposed rule expressly states that its Tribal summary “includes the input received to date through the consultation process.” It uses that information to characterize the overall Tribal response, identify asserted effects of rescission, and describe alternatives proposed by Tribal governments. USDA reports that “the majority sentiment among Tribal governments consulted is opposition” and identifies concerns involving sacred sites, traditional gathering areas, water quality, subsistence resources, governmental capacity, and the transfer of decision-making to future forest-level and project-level processes. The rule also describes consultation-derived proposals for retaining or strengthening roadless protections, establishing a Traditional Homelands Conservation Rule, incorporating Indigenous Knowledge, expanding co-stewardship, and requiring Tribal consent. Special Areas; Roadless Area Conservation, 91 Fed. Reg. 53,827, 53,831–32 (Aug. 20, 2026).
The Draft EIS relies on Tribal feedback and consultation documentation more substantively. Its Tribal Rights and Interests analysis uses consultation information to identify affected interests and to evaluate the alternatives through three indicators: access, resource usability, and disturbance. Applying that framework, USDA concludes that full rescission presents the greatest potential for adverse effects on Tribal rights and interests. The Draft EIS also identifies Tribal-proposed management and co-stewardship approaches and then declines to develop them as national rule alternatives, concluding that they are “better addressed through local land management planning or site-specific project level planning than through National Rulemaking.” Draft EIS at 29 and 197-203.
The Tribal Summary Impact Statement is even more explicit. It states that its summary “includes the input received to date through the consultation process” and uses that input to describe Tribal positions, impacts, proposed alternatives, and the matters to which the Forest Service gives an “Agency Response.” Tribal Summary Impact Statement at 2–6.
The economic analysis presents a more limited case. It cross-references the Draft EIS’s treatment of fisheries, wildlife, subsistence, and other ecosystem services, but it doesn’t disclose whether or how consultation information affected its economic assumptions or quantified results. Cost Benefit Analysis at 19-20, 28. That omission may itself be important because the consultation summary identifies Tribal costs that don’t appear in the analysis’s principal quantified categories, including effects on subsistence resources, cultural landscapes, sacred places, treaty resources, and Tribal governmental capacity.
Why access matters legally
Government-to-government consultation is distinct from public notice and comment. Some consultation communications may appropriately remain confidential, particularly where they contain sensitive cultural information, locations of sacred sites, or information a Tribe provided with an expectation of confidentiality. But that doesn’t resolve the public docket issue.
Notice-and-comment doctrine generally requires an agency to disclose the critical factual material on which a proposed rule relies in sufficient detail to permit meaningful comment. The relevant question isn’t whether every consultation communication must be published. It’s whether USDA has disclosed enough of the nonconfidential consultation record to allow commenters to identify omissions, test the agency’s characterization, and respond with contrary or supplementary evidence.
Here, USDA has made its own account of the consultations part of the proposed rule’s public justification, the DEIS’s effects analysis, and the Tribal Summary Impact Statement. Yet commenters cannot determine from the public docket:
The Forest Service’s own consultation directive underscores that consultation ordinarily generates a broader documentary record. Departmental Regulation 1350-002 calls for documentation that may include invitations and supporting materials, participant information, agendas, minutes or notes, follow-up correspondence, and an explanation of how Tribal input was considered. DR 1350-002 at 11. The existence of legitimate confidentiality concerns doesn’t explain the absence of a basic consultation log or other nonconfidential records.
Executive Order 13175 also requires meaningful and timely Tribal input when federal policies have Tribal implications. It doesn’t itself create a general public access right to every consultation record. But USDA’s reliance on an undisclosed record raises a practical question about whether consultation can be meaningfully evaluated and whether Tribes can correct USDA’s account before the agency acts.
Why access matters practically for Tribes
The Forest Service emphasizes that government-to-government consultation will remain available after the September 21 public comment deadline. That distinction is real, but continued access to a separate consultation process doesn’t replace the present opportunity to comment on the proposed rule and Draft EIS.
A Tribe preparing comments may need the consultation record to determine whether USDA:
Without a consultation log and releasable supporting records, each Tribe can speak for itself, but it can’t readily evaluate USDA’s broader claims about what “Tribal governments consulted” collectively said or what the consultation process established.
The Forest Service’s August 31 response therefore establishes an important but limited fact: 29 formal consultations occurred with federally recognized Tribes. It doesn’t establish which Tribes participated, what they told the agency, how representative USDA’s synthesis is, or how their information and recommendations affected the proposed rescission.
Because USDA has incorporated its characterization of the consultations into the proposed rule, DEIS, and Tribal Summary Impact Statement, access to the underlying nonconfidential record isn’t merely a request for additional background. It bears directly on whether Tribes and other commenters can evaluate the agency’s analysis and respond meaningfully before the September 21 deadline.
From the Stateside website:
Today on Stateside, we talked to a reporter about how Michigan became a battleground in the development of large scale data centers.
Then, we heard about how researchers from Michigan State University have teamed up with tribal nations in the Great Lakes to find out what trees can tell us about historical land management techniques used by Anishinaabe people.
And a historic preservation officer from the Little Traverse Bay Band of Odawa Indians discussed how dendrochronology findings affect her work, and shared information about proposed changes from the Trump administration could affect tribal input on historic preservation projects.
GUEST ON TODAY’S SHOW:
- Dustin Walsh, Crain’s Detroit Business senior reporter
- Patrick Shea, reporter
- Mae Wright, tribal historic preservation officer and NAGPRA representative for the Little Traverse Bay Band of Odawa Indians
Listen here.

Federal agency leaders and tribal representatives on the Bears Ears Commission stand in front of the newly installed Bears Ears National Monument sign on June 18, 2022. Pictured from left, former Agriculture Department Under Secretary Homer L. Wilkes, Ute Indian Tribe Business Committee Member Christopher Tabbee, Ute Mountain Ute Councilman Malcolm Lehi, Zuni Tribe Lt. Gov. Carleton R. Bowekaty, Hopi Chair Timothy Nuvangyaoma, Navajo Nation Executive Assistant Davis Filfred and BLM Director Tracy Stone-Manning. Photo courtesy of the BLM

On August 14, Earthjustice reported that Kimmerle Mining staked seven mining claims on lands stripped of protection when President Trump issued a proclamation reducing Bears Ears National Monument. Kimmerle Mining recorded the claims on July 14, one day after Trump signed the proclamation. The claims reportedly target uranium, vanadium, copper, and precious metals. The lands aren’t scheduled to reopen to mineral entry until September 11, so these filings show how quickly mining interests are moving to position themselves to benefit. Earthjustice has the details and a map of the claims.
Trump’s proclamation reduced the monument from approximately 1.36 million acres to 121,100 acres, a reduction of more than 90 percent. The proclamation also terminated the Bears Ears Commission, eliminating the formal management role of the Hopi Tribe, Navajo Nation, Ute Indian Tribe, Ute Mountain Ute Tribe, and Pueblo of Zuni. Federal officials immediately removed the five Tribal Nations’ seals from monument signs.
The five Tribes of the Bears Ears Commission understand Bears Ears as an interconnected living cultural landscape. Trump’s proclamation instead describes the region as a collection of uranium, vanadium, copper, and other minerals “critical to national security.” The Department of the Interior had promised to meet with the Bears Ears Commission before changing the monument’s boundaries or management, but the Commission reports that no meaningful government-to-government consultation occurred. The Commission had finalized the Bears Ears Resource Management Plan in January 2025, a milestone described as “a historic achievement for the management of Bears Ears National Monument that underscores the power of unity, trust, and shared responsibility in land stewardship.”
Trump’s invocation of national security should be understood within the historical context of uranium extraction in Indian Country. Uranium mining began on the Navajo Nation during WWII to secure fuel for nuclear weapons, and production continued in strength until the 1980s. The mining resulted in Native miners and families experiencing deadly illnesses, contaminated homes and water, and hundreds of abandoned mines. More than 500 abandoned uranium mines remain on or near Navajo lands, and the federal government still has no comprehensive estimate of what completing the cleanup will cost. Members of the Ute Mountain Ute Tribe’s White Mesa community also continue to raise concerns about the uranium mill operating only five miles from their homes and Bears Ears.
The President’s Bears Ears Proclamation invokes national security to promote more uranium mining, despite the fact that the past human and environmental costs of historic uranium mining have never been fully remedied.
Additional Resources
What the Mines Left Behind by Elise Wild for Native News Online (August 21, 2026)
The History of Uranium Mining and the Navajo People, Doug Bruggest, PhD, MS, and Rob Goble, PhD, American Journal of Public Health (Sept. 2022, Vol. 92, No. 9)
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