Here is the unpublished opinion in State of Alaska v. Newland:
Available briefs:
Lower court materials here.

Here is the unpublished opinion in State of Alaska v. Newland:
Available briefs:
Lower court materials here.

Online prediction markets present one of the most significant threats to Indian gaming and Tribal sovereign interests in decades. Prediction market companies threaten Indian gaming because they’re advancing a legal theory that could allow them to offer a product that functionally operates as sports betting nationwide without complying with the legal regime that Congress created for gaming in Indian country. These markets allow people to bet on almost anything, from sporting events and sports statistics to who will be named the next Pope and whether famous people will say certain words during a speech. One aspect of the story that’s received little attention from major media outlets is the intersection between these markets, Indian gaming, and the Trump family’s financial interests.
The Trump administration’s Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC) is proposing a new rule governing prediction market “event contracts,” including contracts based on sporting events. The proposal would define “gaming” and when an event contract “involves” gaming, while replacing the CFTC’s current strongly prohibitory approach with one under which the agency would make public interest determinations about particular categories of contracts.
The distinction is enormously consequential. Prediction market companies argue that sports event contracts are derivatives subject to federal regulation under the Commodity Exchange Act rather than sports gambling subject to state law or, in Indian country, gaming under IGRA. If successful, the consequences go well beyond which federal agency regulates the new financial products of prediction markets.
As Turtle Talk readers well know, Tribes operate gaming under a system of federal law, Tribal law, Tribal gaming regulation, and for Class III gaming, Tribal-State compacts negotiated pursuant to IGRA. Prediction market companies argue that that they can offer a product that looks nearly identical to sports betting, but outside of the laws governing gaming in Indian country because wagers placed with their companies are “event contracts” governed by the CFTC and its rules.
The major issue presented by this conflict is who has to play by which rules. The CFTC proposed rule would strengthen the prediction market industry’s argument that sports contracts can operate in Indian country without being subject to IGRA. If successful, this would impair Tribal regulatory authority, Tribal-State compact enforcement, gaming compact exclusivity provisions, and gaming revenues that Tribes use to fund their governmental services.
Who Stands to Benefit?
Meanwhile, the Trump family has significant financial ties to prediction markets. Donald Trump Jr. is a strategic adviser to Kalshi and a partner in 1789 Capital, which invested tens of millions of dollars in Polymarket. Trump, Jr. also joined Polymarket as an adviser. The investment potential is profound. Kalshi was valued at $22 billion in May 2026 and was reported to be discussing a new funding round at a valuation as high as $40 billion just one month later. Industry analysts have projected that prediction markets could grow into a $1 trillion per year trading market by 2030. A federal rule strengthening the industry’s ability to offer their contracts nationwide under exclusive CFTC regulation has extraordinarily large commercial stakes.
The New Yorker recently reported on the overlap between Trump family financial interests and the administration’s approach to prediction markets in an article titled “This Is What Trumpian Self-Dealing Looks Like.” None of this alone establishes that the Trump family caused the CFTC to propose this particular rule. But it highlights the stakes of the proposed rule and the question of who stands to benefit from this administration’s policy choices.
The Trump Indian Gaming Historical Context
As TT readers know, Trump has attacked Indian gaming since at least the early 1990s, when his Atlantic City casinos competed with Tribal gaming. In 1993 congressional testimony about implementation of IGRA, Trump complained about Tribal casinos, alleged organized crime problems, and questioned the Indian identity of Tribal people, telling members of Congress that some “don’t look like Indians to me.” This significance of this history goes beyond its blatant racism. In the 1990s, Trump owned casinos that faced competition from Indian gaming, and he responded by attacking Indian gaming’s legitimacy and regulation with attack ads smearing the St. Regis Mohawk, resulting in a $250,000 fine from New York’s state lobbying commission (see the link to the Washington Post’s article, Trump’s Long History of Clashes with Native Americans, in the Additional Resources section below). Now, more than thirty years later, Tribes are responding to a federal regulatory proposal that could profoundly benefit prediction market companies, including companies with Trump family financial ties, by arguing that they offer the functional equivalent of sports betting without being subject to IGRA and Tribal-State gaming compacts.
Indian Country’s Response
Indian country responded to the proposed new CFTC rule by submitting 65 timely comments from Tribes, Tribal gaming regulators, and Tribal organizations opposing or raising significant concerns about the proposal, with more Tribal submissions posted after the deadline. These objections address the proposed rule in light of Tribal sovereignty, IGRA, Tribal-State compacts, the statutory meaning of “gaming,” CFTC’s claimed federal jurisdiction, and the adequacy of tribal consultation. I’ll post more about these comments in the coming days, including what the proposed rule could mean for Indian gaming if it’s adopted, as well as a summary of the legal arguments Tribes made in their submissions.
Importantly, Tribes are also litigating this conflict in federal courts, with cases that Turtle Talk has been following. Tribes are participating in litigation over Kalshi’s sports event contracts in multiple courts, and several tribes have sued directly:
• Ho-Chunk Nation v. Kalshi Inc. (W.D. Wis.) (a federal judge allowed the Tribe’s IGRA claims against Kalshi to proceed in May 2026)
• Blue Lake Rancheria v. Kalshi Inc. (N.D. Cal.) (currently pending before the Ninth Circuit)
• Mescalero Apache Tribe v. Kalshi Inc. (D.N.M.) (complaint filed on May 12, 2026 by Mescalero Apache, Pueblo of Pojoaque, and Sandia Pueblo)
Roughly two dozen additional Tribes and Tribal organizations, including the Indian Gaming Association, California Nations Indian Gaming Association, Arizona Indian Gaming Association, Oklahoma Indian Gaming Association, National Congress of American Indians, Native American Finance Officers Association, San Manuel Gaming and Hospitality Authority, and the United South and Eastern Tribes Sovereignty Protection Fund, have filed amicus briefs in four state-initiated challenges against Kalshi and other prediction market operators: North American Derivatives Exchange (Crypto.com) v. Hendrick (D. Nev.), KalshiEX v. Martin (D. Md.), KalshiEX v. Flaherty (D.N.J.), and Robinhood Markets v. Campbell (D. Mass.).
Finally, the question running through all of this is: after Tribes spent decades building gaming enterprises within the federal framework Congress established with IGRA, can a new generation of prediction market companies enter the same market, call the transactions “event contracts,” and operate under a different and less burdensome set of rules? If the federal government concludes that they can, then we should all question who benefits from that decision and who bears the cost.
Additional Resources
Trump’s Long History of Clashes with Native Americans, by Shawn Boburg for the Washington Post (July 25, 2016). Access without a paywall is here. This story also reports on New York State’s state lobbying commission imposing a $250,000 fine for Trump’s violation of state lobbying laws in his campaign to smear Indian gaming in New York state through a series of ads depicting the St. Regis Mohawk as violent criminals and drug dealers in an effort to kill Tribal casino plans that would compete with his Atlantic City casino businesses.



Public Law 959, known as the Indian Relocation Act of 1956, was enacted on August 3, 1956. The National Archives has assembled an excellent online guide to BIA urban relocation records, including the original statute, federal relocation promotional materials, field office records, case files, and records from the relocation offices including the Chicago relocation office for folks interested in Great Lakes relocation history.
Additional resources
Native community centers helped preserve culture and connection during urban relocation, Rachel Schuit for Crosswinds, August 3, 2026
The Federal Indian Relocation Programme of the 1950s and the Urbanization of Indian Identity, Donald Fixico, in
RICHARD BESSEL AND CLAUDIA B. HAAKE (eds.), Removing Peoples. Forced Removal in the Modern World (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009)

The Warrior Women Project Oral History Archive is a collection of online interviews, audio recordings, photographs, and written content documenting the women of the Red Power Movement from the 1960s to the 1980s. The Project website states:
These are stories of resistance, resilience, and hope. They remind us that change is possible, but it requires courage, determination, and solidarity. This transformative history is recovered through community-informed research and activist archiving which informs our media production, rapid response activism, and the creation of a decolonizing curricula and teaching toolkits to be used for impact education.

The Implementation Project will host its next quarterly meeting, “Tribes, Intertribal Organizations, and the Declaration,” on September 10, 2026, from noon–1:30 p.m. Mountain Time via Zoom. The roundtable will explore opportunities for international engagement and implementation of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Panelists include Fawn Sharp and Jennifer Weddle, with commentary from Linda Benally and Honor Keeler. Register here.
TIP has also published a new article highlighting key takeaways from the July 2026 session of the UN Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

As some Tribes reject hyperscale data centers in Indian Country, others are embracing data center development. Others are imposing moratoria on data centers to allow for further studies and policy development. Below is a snapshot of what Tribes are doing. It illustrates the diversity of Tribes in the US, and it shows Tribes acting as governments, regulators, landowners, utility operators, infrastructure owners, investors, economic development actors, and political communities as they decide what tech development should look like on their lands.
Additional Resources
Tribal Nations and Data Centers: Emerging Issues and Resources, USET
AI Data Centers and Tribes: Emerging Federal and Policy State Trends and Tribal Governance Options, Tana Fitzpatrick, Director, Native Nations Center for Tribal Policy Research
Honor the Earth Data Center Tracker (interactive crowd-sourced map)
Indigenous Peoples Push Back as Data Centers Expand Across North America, John Ahni Schertow in Intercontinental Cry Magazine
The Cloud is Drying our Rivers: Water Usage of AI Data Centers, Charlotte Jennings, EthicalGeo

Honor the Earth DataCenterTracker; Earthstar Geographics; U.S. Census Bureau
July 20 article by Melanie Henshaw, published by InvestigateWest. Link to article is here. The article isn’t a polemical attack on tribes; it identifies a number of structural reasons for this phenomenon.
State Rep. Chris Stearns, D-Auburn, a citizen of the Navajo Nation and sponsor of the state bill on pension access for tribes, says that in his experience working closely with tribes, there’s a strong desire to hire qualified candidates that will best protect the needs, culture, and interests of tribal citizens, elders, and children.
Native Americans face the highest risk of deadly police violence of any race, and 2026 research from the University of Washington shows Native Americans on and near reservations face a disproportionate risk of being killed by police, with the report stating that a “coordinated public health response to police violence is urgently needed in Indian Country.”
“They should have an interest in hiring the best people,” Stearns said. “You don’t want your elders to get roughed up by someone, that goes against our values.”

The Inter-Tribal Council of Michigan (ITCMI) released its FY2025 Annual Report on August 10, 2026, and it reported that the federal government revoked more than $23 million in EPA grant funding, creating “substantial obstacles” for Tribal communities and programs across Michigan.
$20 million of the lost funding was part of an EPA Community Change Grant awarded to ITCMI in partnership with the Grand Traverse Band of Ottawa and Chippewa Indians for “Making Michigan Tribal Homes & Buildings Efficient, Healthy, and Resilient.” The project planned to work with six Michigan Tribes to retrofit and electrify at least 300 Tribal homes and convert twelve Tribal government buildings into community resilience hubs. Funding would also have supported roof and electrical repairs, insulation and ventilation improvements, electric appliances, indoor-air-quality equipment, and Tribal staff responsible for overseeing the work.
Another $3 million of the lost funding was part of an EPA Community Change Grant awarded to ITCMI in partnership with the Bay Mills Indian Community for “Michigan Tribal and State Manoomin/Mnoomin/Mnomen Stewardship.” Developed with Michigan’s twelve federally recognized Tribes, ITCMI, the State of Michigan EGLE, and the University of Michigan Water Center, the project would have supported implementation of the Tribal-State Manoomin Stewardship Plan. It specifically contemplated participation by Tribal elders, traditional ricers, and knowledge keepers in the Michigan Wild Rice Initiative and supported their participation in stewardship and decision-making.
Together, these two awards account for $23 million, although ITCMI’s reference to more than $23 million in its Annual Report indicates that its total revoked EPA funding may extend beyond these two grants.
ITCMI Lawsuit Update
ITCMI is now one of the plaintiffs challenging EPA’s termination of the Environmental and Climate Justice Block Grant program in Appalachian Voices v. EPA. In court filings, ITCMI warned that the experience could deepen distrust of the federal government and make Tribes more hesitant to partner with ITCMI in future federally funded projects.
The litigation remains active. A federal district court dismissed the case in August 2025, but on July 21, 2026, the D.C. Circuit vacated that dismissal and returned the case to the district court. The case therefore continues while Michigan Tribal communities remain without funding that had been awarded for housing and manoomin stewardship.
Appalachian Voices v. EPA
Plaintiffs’ Memo in Support of Motion for Prelim Injunction
Decision of the Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit

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