ICT on the Politics of the Carcieri Fix (and the Dictionary Act)

From ICT:

WASHINGTON – Excited rumbles trickled through Indian country after a letter to the editor was published recently in Indian Country Today, asking whether a little known legislative doctrine could help reverse the Supreme Court’s ruling in Carcieri v. Salazar.

The writer of the letter, lawyer Joseph E. Bernstein, noted that the Dictionary Act modifies the present tense in all federal statutes to include the future tense, unless the context indicates otherwise.

Given that the court seemingly ruled in contradiction to the law – deciding that the phrase “now under federal jurisdiction” of the Indian Reorganization Act refers to those tribes that were under federal jurisdiction only when the IRA was enacted in 1934 – Bernstein asked whether tribal and federal lawyers could get a rehearing.

Department of Justice lawyers arguing the case hadn’t mentioned the Dictionary Act in their arguments, nor had tribal legal experts, so Bernstein thought they might be able to raise a new point of law focused on the future tense language of the law.

Could it be that simple? Could there really be a quick legal fix to help tribes prevail after the Supreme Court upended many tribal, federal and legal understandings of the IRA by restricting the BIA’s longstanding tribal land into trust process? If not a legal fix, couldn’t Congress just make a fast fix?

Legal and legislative experts say the only thing simple regarding those questions are the answers to them: No, no, and maybe not.
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Carcieri Fix Might Not Be So Easy

I couldn’t really do it in 800 words, but my ICT editorial necessarily left out several points I still want to make about Carcieri and its impact. Here is the first. Others will follow.

The Carcieri fix will not be an easy sell. Tribal interests have relatively recently “fixed” a Supreme Court decision by asking Congress for help — the so-called Duro fix. But consider how many other “fixes” never got off the ground: (1) Oliphant Fix (numerous incarnations); (2) Seminole Tribe Fix; and (3) Hicks Fix.

Why did the Duro Fix get through while the others did not? First, the only constituency that would have opposed the Duro Fix was nonmember Indians, the most famous (later on) being Russell Means, who traveled from city to city arguing against tribal criminal jurisdiction over nonmember Indians after he got arrested at Navajo. Second, state and local governments had some general interest in limiting tribal criminal jurisdiction (the same as they do with jurisdiction over non-Indians) but the interest is just that — general. And a bit disingenous in a lot of places in the country.

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ICT Editorial on Carcieri

From ICT:

Decision’s in. ‘Now’ begins work to fix Carcieri

The Supreme Court’s Feb. 24 decision in Carcieri v. Salazar is a significant defeat for the Narragansett Tribe, and perhaps for hundreds of other Indian tribes not federally recognized in 1934. Carcieri seemingly overturns the Department of Interior’s 70-year-plus practice of taking land into trust for Indian tribes federally recognized after 1934. But while the decision will be disruptive and expensive for Indian tribes affected, it might not be utterly devastating.

Carcieri held that the secretary has no authority to take land into trust for the Narragansetts because they are not an eligible Indian tribe as defined by the 1934 Indian Reorganization Act. Only tribes that meet the definition of “Indian tribe” under the IRA are eligible for the fee to trust benefit; in other words, according to the court, tribes that were “under federal jurisdiction” on June 1, 1934. The secretary of the interior did not recognize the Narragansett Tribe as an Indian tribe at that time, and so the court held that the secretary may not take land into trust for the tribe under the IRA. The court’s cramped reading of “now” is the worst kind of judicial formalism, like that recently critiqued by Professor Alex Skibine in the American Indian Law Review.

It is important to parse out exactly which tribes – and which land parcels – are affected by this decision. First, Indian lands already in trust with the secretary of the interior are safe, because the United States already owns the land and is immune from a suit seeking to reverse a fee to trust acquisition. That means tribes operating business enterprises on trust land will be protected by the federal government’s immunity. Second, Indian tribes such as the Pokagon Band of Potawatomi Indians with special statutes authorizing the secretary to take land into trust for them, usually as a result of a congressional recognition act or land claims settlement act, also are exempted.

The Supreme Court’s Feb. 24 decision in Carcieri v. Salazar is a significant defeat for the Narragansett Tribe, and perhaps for hundreds of other Indian tribes not federally recognized in 1934.

Interestingly, the final paragraph in Justice Clarence Thomas’ majority opinion – a major litigation-starter – appears to assume that the Carcieri case is limited to its facts, and therefore only applies to the Narragansett Tribe. The concurring opinions from Justices Stephen Breyer and David Souter, as well as Justice John Paul Stevens’ dissent, suggest that numerous other tribes that can demonstrate that they were “under federal jurisdiction” in 1934, even if “the Department did not know it at the time,” in Breyer’s words. The concurring and dissenting justices named several tribes that fit into this category, including the Stillaguamish Tribe, the Grand Traverse Band of Ottawa and Chippewa Indians, and the Mole Lake Tribe. In short, according to Justice Breyer, a tribe that could show it was party to a treaty with the United States, the beneficiary of a pre-1934 congressional appropriation, or enrollment with the Indian Office as of 1934. The Narragansett Tribe, according to the court, was under the jurisdiction of Rhode Island in 1934, not the Department of the Interior, and so they are not eligible.

These exceptions to the general Carcieri rule mean that Indian tribes in the twilight of the concurring opinions may be engaged in expensive litigation to prove that they were “under federal jurisdiction” in 1934. Such litigation may require the heavy expenditure of funds for expert witnesses, forcing some tribes to undergo the strange and humiliating process of earning a kind of federal recognition all over again. In the coming weeks, the Obama administration should take the lead in defining what “under federal jurisdiction” means to blunt the effect of the Supreme Court’s decision.

The Obama administration should take the lead in defining what “under federal jurisdiction” means to blunt the effect of the Supreme Court’s decision.

Regardless, now is the time for Indian country to test the waters in Washington D.C., to see if the Obama administration is serious about change and to press the Democratic-controlled Congress for a Carcieri “fix.” It might not take much legislation, just a quick rewording of the definition of Indian tribe in the IRA to remove the word “now.” The administration and Congress may be sympathetic, given that the Roberts Court seems to go out of its way to punish Indian tribes. A Carcieri “fix” pitched as merely reversing a bad Supreme Court decision would not work a major change on the federal-tribal-state relationship because it would merely be restoring the pre-Carcieri state of affairs that had existed for over seven decades.

For the Narragansett Tribe, this decision is yet another slap in the face to a tribe that has done nothing wrong but what it can to survive. For six justices, the Narragansetts did not pass the test of “federal jurisdiction,” a test that no one could have known in 1934 they would have been required to pass. Nothing could be more arbitrary and capricious.

Matthew L.M. Fletcher is associate professor at the Michigan State University College of Law and director of the Northern Plains Indian Law Center. He is an enrolled citizen of the Grand Traverse Band of Ottawa and Chippewa Indians.