SCIA Hearing on the Indian Law and Order Commission Report

Link to video here.

Witness list:

Panel 1

The Honorable Kevin Washburn
Assistant Secretary-Indian Affairs-U.S. Department of the Interior, Washington, DC
The Honorable Timothy Q. Purdon
U.S. Attorney-District of North Dakota, U.S. Department of Justice, Fargo, ND

Panel 2

Mr. Troy Eid
Chairman-Indian Law and Order Commission, Denver, CO
Ms. Affie Ellis
Commissioner-Indian Law and Order Commission, Cheyenne, WY

Ms. Tamra Truett Jerue
Director-of Social Services and Tribal Administrator, Anvik Tribal Council, Anvik, AK

Senate Committee on Indian Affairs Hearing on ILOC Report — Feb. 12, 2014

Here. It starts at 2:30 eastern. The witness list is here:

February 12 SCIA Witness List

The report is here.

Three Tribes Approved for VAWA Jurisdictional Pilot Project

Press release here (pdf) and here.

Details here.

WASHINGTON – Three American Indian tribes – the Pascua Yaqui Tribe of Arizona, the Tulalip Tribes of Washington, and the Umatilla Tribes of Oregon – will be the first in the nation to exercise special criminal jurisdiction over certain crimes of domestic and dating violence, regardless of the defendant’s Indian or non-Indian status, under a pilot project authorized by the Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act of 2013 (VAWA 2013).

Diane Humetewa’s Judicial Confirmation Hearing Set for Tuesday Morning

Announcement and hearing list here.

Oklahoma ICWA Interpretation Case: In re T.S.

We posted recently about the Supreme Court’s contempt for Congress. In this case that looks like an active efforts case, but turns into a long opinion interpreting many provisions of ICWA (active efforts, foster care placement, emergency removal) out of Oklahoma, it appears this contempt isn’t limited to the Supreme Court. This could be particularly harmful in ICWA cases. Opinion here.

From the trial court regarding active efforts in foster care placement:

The juvenile court announced his conclusion of ′′a lack of congressional intent in seeking foster care placement that active efforts have been proven unsuccessful. I think that was meant just for termination of parental rights proceeding.′′ Commenting ′′other courts have attempted to make rather constrained ways of finding active efforts have been met,′′ the court found ′′there has been offering of parenting classes to Father, even the placement of these children with their mothers is certainly an attempt to prevent the breakup of the Indian family, although they are not in [Father’s] care and he can’t have them returned to him on his demand.′′ After he acknowledged the opinion testimony of the qualified expert witness, Ms. Watashe, that ′′[active efforts] don’t apply but they have been met,′′ the court found ′′those things allow the Court to go forward with a finding that active efforts have been met here. I don’t find that they’ve been proven unsuccessful, but I don’t know how they could be at this stage. Again poor wording by Congress. Take that up.′

Footnote 10

And a troubling use of Baby Girl from the Oklahoma Appellate Court (this is a case where the children were with father, and removed on an abuse charge. NOT the fact pattern of Baby Girl):

Our decision to affirm is supported by the U.S. Supreme Court’s recent interpretation of ¶ 1912(d) in an adoption proceeding opposed by the Indian child’s biological father, a member of the Cherokee Nation who was never married to the child’s mother. See Adoptive Couple v. Baby Girl, 133 S.Ct. 2552, 2562- 2563 (June 25, 2013). In pertinent part, a majority of
the U.S. Supreme Court interpreted ¶ 1912(d) to apply ′′only in cases where an Indian family’s ′′breakup′′ would be precipitated by the termination of the parent’s rights,′′ and found such interpretation was confirmed by ¶ 1912(d)’s ′′placement next to ¶ 1912(e) and ¶ 1912(f), both of which condition the outcome of proceed- ings on the merits of an Indian child’s ’continued cus- tody’ with his parent.′′ (Emphasis added.) Id. Construing these adjacent provisions together, the Court further found:
None of the provisions create parental rights for unwed fathers where no such rights would otherwise exist. Instead, Indian parents who are already part of an ′′Indian family′′ are provided with access to ′′remedial services and rehabilitative programs′′ under ¶ 1912(d) so that their ′′custody′′ might be ′′continued′′ in a way that avoids foster-care placement under ¶ 1912(e) or termination of parental rights under ¶ [**59] 1912(f). In other words, the provision of ′′remedial services and rehabilitative programs′′ under ¶ 1912(d) supports the ′′continued custody′′ that is protected by ¶ 1912(e) and ¶ 1912(f). (Emphasis added; citation and footnote omitted.)
In this contested deprived child proceeding subject to ICWA, even if State had provided Father access to the specific services and programs after the show cause hearing and he had successfully commenced those programs, foster care placement could not have been avoided in light of the clear and convincing evidence supporting the juvenile court’s ¶ 1912(e)’s finding, i.e. at this stage of the proceeding Father’s continued custody was likely to result in serious emotional or physical damage to the children.

Al Jazeera Article on Indian Law and Commission Report

Here.

Senate Confirms Patricia Millett for D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals

Coverage via How Appealing here. Vote was 56-38–one more yes than the original vote that started the limited filibuster reform.

New Yorker: Supreme Court’s Contempt for Congress

Here.

“The Roberts Court has lost faith in the democratic process,” Professor Karlan wrote, noting that the conservative justices, at least in practice, reject the idea that the political branches have a “special institutional competence” in addressing certain questions. In his argument in the voting-rights case, Solicitor General Donald Verrilli tried this line, too, insisting on “the deference that Congress is owed… because, frankly, of the superior institutional competence of Congress to make these kinds of judgments.” This is probably a losing proposition on its face, unless one is talking about Congress’s superior competence at walking in circles with its shoes tied together. But when the legislative branch is not only disrespected but disabled—when the Court waves away the intent of Congress and takes away its tools to redress social and economic inequities—then Congress may well go to hell, and we’re going with it.

The post does not mention federal Indian law, or Adoptive Parents v. Baby Girl, or the oral arguments in the Bay Mills case, the inclusion of which would only make the argument stronger. And is yet another in a long list of reasons why this Court is no friend to Indian tribes.

Limited Filibuster Reform Surrounds Patricia Millett’s Nomination

WaPo article here.

The Senate voted 57 to 40, with three abstentions, to reconsider Millett’s nomination. Several procedural votes followed. The Senate parliamentarian, speaking through Sen. Patrick J. Leahy (D-Vt.), the chamber’s president pro tempore, then ruled that 60 votes are needed to cut off a filibuster and move to a final confirmation vote. Reid appealed that ruling, asking senators to decide whether it should stand.

The Democratic victory paved the way for the confirmation of Millett and two other nominees to the D.C. appeals court. All have recently been stymied by GOP filibusters, amid Republican assertions that the critical appellate court simply did not need any more judges.

Under its new rules, the Senate subsequently voted 55 to 43 Thursday afternoon to move ahead with Millett’s nomination. Two senators voted present.

Senate rules still require up to 30 hours of debate on the Millett nomination. So a final confirmation vote on the nomination is expected to be held in mid-December after the two-week Thanksgiving recess.

WaPo: Senate Blocked Millett’s Nomination

Here.

In the now standard operating procedure of the Senate to need 60 votes to do anything, the vote was 55-38 TO PROCEED. Which means the nomination is blocked.