Senator Dorgan Introduces Carcieri Fix

Carcieri Fix Bill

Carcieri Floor Statement – final

From Sen. Dorgan’s statement:

Mr. President, I rise today to introduce a technical amendment to the Act of June 18, 1934.

On February 24, 2009, the Supreme Court issued its decision in the Carcieri v. Salazar case.  In that decision the Supreme Court held that the Secretary of the Interior exceeded his authority in taking land into trust for a tribe that was not under federal jurisdiction, or recognized, at the time the Indian Reorganization Act was enacted in 1934.

The legislation I’m introducing today is necessary to reaffirm the Secretary’s authority to take lands into trust for Indian tribes, regardless of when they were recognized by the federal government.  The amendment ratifies the prior trust acquisitions of the Secretary, who for the past 75 years has been exercising his authority to take lands into trust, as intended by the Indian Reorganization Act.

On May 21, 2009, the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs held a hearing to examine the executive branch’s authority to take land into trust for Indian tribes.  At that hearing, it became clear that Congress needs to act to resolve the uncertainty created by the Supreme Court’s decision.  Therefore, this legislation was developed in consultation with interested parties to clarify the Secretary’s authority.

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Written Testimony in SCIA Hearing on Tribal Law and Order Act

THE HONORABLE TOM PERRELLI
Associate Attorney General, U’S. Department of Justice, Washington, DC

THE HONORABLE LARRY J. ECHO HAWK
Assistant Secretary for Indian Affairs, U.S. Department of the Interior, Washington, DC

THE HONORABLE ALONZO A. COBY
Chairman, Fort Hall Business Council, Shoshone-Bannock Tribes, Fort Hall, Idaho

THE HONORABLE ANTHONY J. BRANDENBURG
Chief Judge of the Intertribal Court of Southern California, Valley Center, CA

MR. TROY EID
Partner, Greenberg Traurig, LLP, Denver, CO

MR. TED QUASULA
President, Quasula Consulting, Henderson, NV

SCIA Hearing on Carcieri v. Salazar

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SCOTUSblog on the SCIA Hearing on Carcieri

From SCOTUSblog:

Today, at 2:15 pm the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs will conduct a hearing in response to the recent Supreme Court decision in Carcieri v. Salazar. The decision limited the Secretary of the Interior’s authority to place land into trust under 25 U.S.C. § 465, the Indian Reorganization Act (IRA), only for Indian tribes under federal jurisdiction when the IRA was enacted in June of 1934. Prior to the decision, the Department of the Interior construed the IRA as granting authority to place land into trust under the IRA for all federally recognized tribes. Further analysis of the decision is available here.

The witnesses include Edward Lazarus, a partner at Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld, LLP (prepared testimony available here); W. Ron Allen, the Secretary of the National Congress of the American Indians; and Lawrence Long, the Chairman of the Western Attorneys General.

NCAI Written Testimony for the SCIA Hearing on Carcieri v. Salazar

NCAI Testimony to SCIA on Carcieri – final

Here is NCAI’s proposed legislative “fix”:

25 U.S.C. §479:

The Act entitled “An Act to conserve and develop Indian lands and resources; to extend to Indians the right to form business and other organizations; to establish a credit system for Indians; to grant certain rights of home rule to Indians; to provide for vocational education for Indians; and for other purposes”, approved June 18, 1934, is amended by:

Section 1: In Section 19 [25 U.S.C. § 479] deleting in the first sentence the words “now under Federal jurisdiction.”

Section 2: Actions of the Secretary taken prior to the date of enactment of this amendment pursuant to or under color of this Act [25 U.S.C. §461 et. seq.] for any Indian tribe that was federally recognized on the date of the Secretary’s action are hereby, to the extent such actions may be subject to challenge based on whether the Indian tribe was federally recognized or under federal jurisdiction on June 18, 1934, ratified and confirmed as fully to all intents and purposes as if the same had, by prior act of Congress, been specifically authorized and directed.

Interesting Tidbit on AGs Letter re: Carcieri Fix

According to an enterprising law student (not one of ours :)), “the signature on the letter representing the state AGs opposing a Carcieri fix has WAYNE ANTHONY ROSS as Alaska’s signatory.  He was summarily rejected by the Alaska Legislature on April 16, 2009, and definitely was not the AG on April 24 (date of the letter).

Assuming this is true, two questions. First, was Alaska officially represented on the AG letter?; second, what dog does Alaska have in this fight anyway, since DOI doesn’t take land into trust for Alaskan tribes (except one)?

Indian Country Today – Law Expert: State of federal Indian law contributes to epidemic of violence

Originally printed at http://www.indiancountrytoday.com/home/content/41971652.html

WASHINGTON – The American Constitution Society for Law and Policy, a progressive legal organization, has distributed an issue brief entitled, “Addressing the Epidemic of Domestic Violence in Indian Country by Restoring Tribal Sovereignty.

The brief’s author, Matthew L.M. Fletcher, argues that domestic violence and physical assaults experienced by American Indian women on reservations are related to unjust Supreme Court decisions and to lacking federal laws.

Indian victim advocates said the information is especially important for policy makers, both at the federal level and in Indian country, to review. Research indicates that American Indian women experience physical assaults at a rate 50 percent higher than the next most victimized demographic, African-American males.

Fletcher, director of the Indigenous Law and Policy Center at Michigan State University, notes the Supreme Court has held that tribal governments do not have jurisdiction over domestic violence misdemeanors committed by non-Indians in Indian country.

The situation causes a major dilemma, especially for Indian women, since approximately one-quarter of all cases of family violence against Indians involve a non-Indian perpetrator. It’s a rate of interracial violence five times that involving other races.

“The law simply has to change,” said Kirsten Matoy Carlson, staff attorney for the Indian Law Resource Center based in Helena, Mont. “Tribes are in the best position to investigate and prosecute these crimes, yet the law prevents them from doing so.”

“Tribes must be able to prosecute and sentence violent perpetrators to protect Native women from the alarming rates of domestic violence and sexual assault. As it is, perpetrators of violence against Native women often face no consequences for their crimes. Studies report that violent offenders are likely to commit further violence when they are not held responsible for their crimes, and that domestic violence escalates over time. Sexual and domestic abusers know they can get away with committing heinous violent crimes against Native women and they regularly exploit this by targeting Native women.”

Fletcher, an enrolled member of the Grand Traverse Band of Ottawa and Chippewa Indians, closely monitors Supreme Court and other legal decisions involving Indian issues. He writes in the brief that among the traditional powers retained by Indian tribes under tribal sovereignty is the power to establish tribal courts and to prosecute criminal offenders for acts committed within Indian country.

He notes that traditionally, tribal sovereignty is inherent and undiminished unless the tribe has voluntarily divested itself of some aspect of its sovereignty, or if Congress has affirmatively acted to divest the tribes of a part of their sovereignty.

However, the Supreme Court changed these rules when it held in 1978 that Indian tribes may be divested of their sovereignty by a decree from the high court. This means that tribal governments do not actually have jurisdiction over domestic violence misdemeanors committed by non-Indians in Indian country.

“The Supreme Court has created – and Congress has not done enough to solve – a terrible irony,” Fletcher writes. “The law enforcement jurisdiction closest to the crime and with the greatest capacity and motivation for responding quickly, efficiently and fairly, has been stripped of the authority to react, leaving Indian women to suffer, and crimes of domestic violence to remain unresolved and unprosecuted.”

Fletcher says the scenario leaves Indian women who are the victims of domestic violence and physical assault by non-Indians in a quandary when federal and state authorities do not prosecute these crimes, which they often are not able to do because of a lack of resources and other factors.

Carlson says this “stripping of tribal criminal jurisdiction and refusal to ensure the prosecution of these crimes has grave consequences for the safety of Indian women.” This legal framework, she says, places Native women at increased risk for further victimization, and leaves them unprotected and without any legal recourse.

“There is no justice for Native women, and there won’t be until the law changes,” warned Carlson.

The brief proposes that Congress fix the situation by enacting legislation that recognizes tribal court jurisdiction over domestic violence and related misdemeanors committed by non-Indians in Indian country.

According to legal experts, Congress has not taken such action due to opposition from the Department of Justice and from various state governments that generally oppose tribal government activities.

Under Fletcher’s plan, tribal prosecutions for such crimes would proceed as do other tribal prosecutions.

The legal expert also proposes that Congress would condition the recognition of tribal sovereignty on a requirement that Indian tribes provide adequate constitutional and criminal safeguards. Tribes would have the ability to “opt-in” to the system.

Fletcher believes Congress has the constitutional authority to “untie the hands of Indian tribes” and permit them to once more enforce criminal laws against non-Indians in Indian country and stop the epidemic of violence against Indian women.

“Each day, an Indian woman is victimized by a person who likely will never be prosecuted,” he concludes in the brief. “It is time to act.”

U-M Indian Law Day — April 10, 2009 — ICWA

The University of Michigan NALSA will host its annual Indian Law Day on April 10, 2009 at 12:30 PM. The subject is the Indian Child Welfare Act. Here is the agenda:

Introduction to ICWA basics:  Colette Routel

Introduction to current ICWA issues (National Perspective).  Keynote  speaker, Mark Tilden — Staff Attorney, Native American Rights Fund (author of ICWA Resource Guide)

Tribal Panel (addressing current ICWA issues from the perspective of  Indian tribes).  Speakers:  Matthew Fletcher, GTB member and Professor at Michigan State Law School; Allie Maldonado, LTBB member and in-house counsel for her tribe.

State Panel (addressing current ICWA issues from the perspective of  the state courts).  Speakers:  Judge Laura Baird, Chief Judge, Ingham County; Judge Elizabeth Gleicher, Judge, Michigan Court of Appeals.
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Two Recent ICWA Articles

Here are two relatively recent law review articles on the Indian Child Welfare Act. First, Prof. Solangel Madonado published “Race, Culture, and Adoption: Lessons from Mississippi Band of Choctaw Indians v. Holyfield” in the Columbia Journal of Gender & Law. Prof. Maldonado is also the author of a chapter on Holyfield in Family Law Stories, from West. Here is an excerpt:

While the idea of allowing individuals to choose their racial, ethnic, or cultural identity based on their activities rather than biology has a certain appeal, it is difficult to imagine a court telling a person of African American descent that she is not really African American simply because she does not live in an African American neighborhood, have African American friends, or show interest in political issues that concern the African American community. Although political pundits and private citizens have suggested that Justice Clarence Thomas is “not really Black,” it is quite another thing for lawmakers to imply the same. Instead, we allow individuals to self-identify regarding race and ethnicity, regardless of their contact with the relevant community.

And another:

The willingness of Congress in enacting ICWA and the Court in Holyfield to consider social prejudices might also signal that antidiscrimination norms are much weaker in cases involving tribal Indians. The Supreme Court has held that, while societal biases might cause children emotional harm, the law cannot consider these biases when determining children’s best interests. However, ICWA’s drafters and the Holyfield court might have unwittingly given effect to such biases when they considered white communities’ rejection of Native American children and the potential psychological harm as a reason to keep them in Indian communities.

Another paper, by Daniel Albanil Adlong, called “The Terminator Terminates Terminators: Governor Schwarzeneggar’s Signature, SB 678, and How California Attempts to Abolish the Existing Indian Family Exception and Why Other States Should Follow“, published in the Appalachian Journal of Law, also discusses ICWA. Here is an excerpt:

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ICT on the Politics of the Carcieri Fix (and the Dictionary Act)

From ICT:

WASHINGTON – Excited rumbles trickled through Indian country after a letter to the editor was published recently in Indian Country Today, asking whether a little known legislative doctrine could help reverse the Supreme Court’s ruling in Carcieri v. Salazar.

The writer of the letter, lawyer Joseph E. Bernstein, noted that the Dictionary Act modifies the present tense in all federal statutes to include the future tense, unless the context indicates otherwise.

Given that the court seemingly ruled in contradiction to the law – deciding that the phrase “now under federal jurisdiction” of the Indian Reorganization Act refers to those tribes that were under federal jurisdiction only when the IRA was enacted in 1934 – Bernstein asked whether tribal and federal lawyers could get a rehearing.

Department of Justice lawyers arguing the case hadn’t mentioned the Dictionary Act in their arguments, nor had tribal legal experts, so Bernstein thought they might be able to raise a new point of law focused on the future tense language of the law.

Could it be that simple? Could there really be a quick legal fix to help tribes prevail after the Supreme Court upended many tribal, federal and legal understandings of the IRA by restricting the BIA’s longstanding tribal land into trust process? If not a legal fix, couldn’t Congress just make a fast fix?

Legal and legislative experts say the only thing simple regarding those questions are the answers to them: No, no, and maybe not.
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