Here.
Featuring NCAI Executive Director, Jacqueline Pata.
Here.
Featuring NCAI Executive Director, Jacqueline Pata.
Thirty years ago today (according to this site) Senator Mark Andrews introduced Senate Resolution 127 to make the Select Committee on Indian Affairs a permanent committee.
Today is also Professor Matthew L.M. Fletcher’s birthday. Happy Birthday, Matthew!
Paul J Larkin and Joseph Luppino-Esposito of the Heritage Foundation have published “The Violence Against Women Act, Federal Criminal Jurisdiction, and Indian Tribal Courts” in the BYU Journal of Public Law.
From the conclusion:
Congress is right to be concerned about spousal abuse and other forms of domestic violence on Indian reservations. But Congress needs to address this problem in a manner that does not leave the solution subject to invalidation under Articles II and III. Congress could vest the federal courts with jurisdiction over such offenses, or Congress could allow the states to prosecute these crimes in state courts. Either approach would avoid the separation-of-powers problems discussed above. The one avenue that seems closed to Congress, however, is precisely the one that the Senate has chosen. However Congress decides to address the domestic-violence problem in Indian reservations, that action must be done in accordance with Articles II and III in a manner that deals with this public policy problem in a constitutional manner. The Senate VAWA bill would not help address the domestic-violence problem on Indian reservations because an unconstitutional remedy is no remedy at all.
Such an odd argument, I think, in that it comes to us completely divorced from the history of Indian country criminal jurisdiction. I take the gist of this argument to be that Congress has no authority to “grant” criminal jurisdiction over non-Indians to tribal courts (a more accurate way to read VAWA’s new provisions is to say Congress has “recognized” inherent tribal jurisdiction, as I will show below) because Article II and Article III don’t allow it for various reasons. This is apparently because allowing federal courts habeas review over tribal courts necessarily means those tribal courts are somehow improperly vested as Article III courts, and tribal judges are somehow appointed improperly as Article II judges. If that were the case, then the Indian Civil Rights Act’s allowance of federal habeas review of tribal court convictions would amount to vesting tribal courts as Article III courts and tribal judges as Article II appointments, necessarily making 25 U.S.C. § 1303 unconstitutional. If section 1303 is unconstitutional, then the Supreme Court never had jurisdiction to hear Oliphant v. Suquamish Indian Tribe, which was expressly heard under section 1303. Under the Heritage Foundation theory, Oliphant is a dead letter. Since federal courts cannot review tribal court convictions under this theory, and Congress cannot “grant” jurisdiction to either federal or tribal courts under this theory, then nothing at all stops tribes from fully prosecuting non-Indians. Even with Oliphant as good law, section 1303 is no longer viable and no one can seek habeas review of tribal court convictions anymore. The pre-1968 regime comes back into play.
Or, one could read the VAWA and ICRA statutes as anyone with any background in this area does — that in treaty times and forever thereafter Congress recognized inherent tribal jurisdiction over all people within its jurisdiction subject to limitations placed on tribal governments by the Supreme Court and Congress (and the tribes themselves). This reading fits easily within the constitutional avoidance theory that federal statutes should be read, if they can be, in such as a manner as to avoid the constitutional questions. VAWA and ICRA can be read in such a manner if one recognizes, as the Supreme Court long has, that Indian tribes possess inherent authority. The Heritage folks simply refuse to accept the law — in footnote 179 they write: “Only an act of Congress can enable tribes to exercise criminal jurisdiction over non-Indians….” That’s the law exactly backwards. To quote United States v. Wheeler, 435 U.S. 313, 322 (1978) (“The powers of Indian tribes are, in general, “inherent powers of a limited sovereignty which has never been extinguished.” F. Cohen, Handbook of Federal Indian Law 122 (1945) (emphasis in original)). Instead of confronting illusory Article II and III problems, the courts may simply follow the law as it has been well-established.
Details here:
Laura Saylor has posted “Back to Basics: Special Domestic Violence Jurisdiction in the Violence Against Women Reactivation Act of 2013 and the Expansion of Inherent Tribal Sovereignty” on SSRN.
Here is the abstract:
Indian Country is home to some of the highest rates of violent crime in the United States. Specifically, Indian women are at least twice as likely as women in any other demographic in the United States to be victims of domestic violence, dating violence, and sexual violence, and most Indian women report that their attacker was non-Native. On March 7, 2013, President Obama signed the Violence Against Women Reactivation Act of 2013, which contained provisions to help alleviate this crisis in Indian County. These provisions include Sections 904 and 905, which outline special criminal jurisdiction over certain non-Indian perpetrators of domestic violence, dating violence, and sexual violence in Indian Country. This Student Note proposes a method of interpretation of Sections 904 and 905 and argues that, upon a constitutional challenge to this special domestic violence jurisdiction, the Supreme Court should find that that these provisions validly expand inherent tribal sovereignty and do not represent a delegation of Congressional power. To reach this conclusion, Court should first return to the texts that form the foundation of tribal sovereignty, namely the Constitution and the Marshall Trilogy. Incorporating these early principles of robust inherent tribal sovereignty, the Court should then look to the legislative intent of Congress, as it has many times in Federal Indian law, to confirm that Congress has validly exercised its power to expand inherent tribal sovereignty. However, in explicating Congress’ power to enact such legislation, this Note further proposes that the Court should clarify that Sections 904 and 905 are consistent with a more limited understanding of Congress’ power to legislate in Indian Country that requires legislation to be rationally related to Congress’ unique obligations to the Indian tribes. Thus, on a constitutional challenge, this Note argues that the Court should uphold Sections 904 and 905 because they are both a valid exercise of Congress’ power to expand tribal inherent sovereignty and consistent with Congress’ unique obligations to the tribes.
Here.
Looks like it’ll settle the land claims in exchange for gaming rights.
Navajo President Ben Shelly Praises House Passage of Domestic Violence Bill
Bill affirms tribal sovereignty
WASHINGTON—Navajo Nation President Shelly praised the House for passing the broad bipartisan Senate version of the Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act, by a vote of 286-138, with the tribal provisions intact. The bill now goes to President Obama for his signature.
“Today is a historic day and I commend the House of Representatives for taking a stand to protect all women from crimes of domestic violence. Women should not have to live in fear of violent acts of crime. This bill gives tribal nations the tools to protect Native women. We thank those who advocated vigorously on this important piece of legislation,” President Shelly said.
The bill reauthorizes the Act for the next five years.
Voting in favor of the Senate version of VAWA included the following from the Navajo Nation congressional delegation: Reps. Ben Ray Lujan, D-N.M., Michelle Grisham Lujan, D-N.M., Steve Pearce, R-N.M., and Ann Kirkpatrick, D-Ariz., Voting against the bill was Rep. Jason Chaffetz, R-Utah.
The bill keeps language intact that provides added protections to Native American women from domestic violence crimes on tribal lands, and would allow tribes to prosecute non-Indians in some circumstances where they commit acts of domestic violence against Indians or violate domestic violence related protection orders.
“The Navajo Nation, like any government, should have the right to protect its people. I am encouraged by the bold leadership of our congressional Representatives today in protecting our sovereign rights,” President Shelly added.
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