Crime News at GTB

From Indianz:

Clifford Gould Jr., a member of the Grand Traverse Band of Ottawa and Chippewa Indians of Michigan, was sentenced to life in prison for assaulting three children.

Gould, 47, was convicted of four counts of aggravated sexual abuse and one count of abusive sexual conduct. The U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Western District of Michigan said he attacked three girls at his home on the reservation.

Gould will serve out his entire life sentence because there is no parole in the federal system, the U.S. Attorney’s Office said in a press release

Get the Story:

Grand Traverse tribe member gets life for child assaults (The Detroit Free Press 6/29)

GTB Seeks to Remove Dams from the Boardman River

From Indianz:

The Grand Traverse Band of Ottawa and Chippewa Indians is seeking $7.5 million in federal stimulus funds to remove dams on the Boardman River in Michigan.

The tribe wants to remove three dams and modify a fourth. The money for the project would come from the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act. The dams are in city and county hands but local officials have already been discussing ways to remove them. The tribe decided to take action to meet a deadline to apply for stimulus funds.

Get the Story:
GT Band seeks grant to help remove dams (The Traverse City Record-Eagle 4/17)

Michigan Court of Appeals Decides ICWA Notice Case

The case is In the Matter of Mayberry (unpublished opinion) and the proper notice went out to the Grand Traverse Band, the Muscogee (Creek) Nation, and the BIA. See how easy that was, California?

In this case, the trial court record shows that notice was given to the Grand Traverse Band of Ottawa and Chippewa Indians, the Muscogee (Creek) Nation, and the Midwest Bureau of Indian Affairs, requesting written verification of the tribal status of the minor child. Responses to these notices were received from the tribes. The Grand Traverse Band of Ottawa and Chippewa Indians noted that the minor child was a non-member and ineligible for Ottawa-Chippewa Indian status. The Muscogee (Creek) Nation stated that the tribal records were examined and the minor child was not considered an Indian child in relationship to the Muscogee (Creek) Nation as defined in the ICWA. These determinations were conclusive. See In re Fried, supra at 540, In re TM, supra 191-192, and 44 Fed Reg 67584 (1979).

GTB Tribal Council Compensation Suit Settled

From Indianz:

A lawsuit over salaries for leaders of the Grand Traverse Band of Ottawa and Chippewa Indians of Michigan has been settled.

The tribe’s compensation committee filed the suit in December, alleging former chairman Robert Kewaygoshkum raised council member salaries without proper authorization. The settlement rescinds the pay increases. But council members who received extra pay won’t be forced to give the money back to the tribe. “I leave that decision up to them,” current chairman Derek Bailey told The Traverse City Record-Eagle. Bailey defeated Kewaygoshkum for the chairman’s post.

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Indian Country Today – Law Expert: State of federal Indian law contributes to epidemic of violence

Originally printed at http://www.indiancountrytoday.com/home/content/41971652.html

WASHINGTON – The American Constitution Society for Law and Policy, a progressive legal organization, has distributed an issue brief entitled, “Addressing the Epidemic of Domestic Violence in Indian Country by Restoring Tribal Sovereignty.

The brief’s author, Matthew L.M. Fletcher, argues that domestic violence and physical assaults experienced by American Indian women on reservations are related to unjust Supreme Court decisions and to lacking federal laws.

Indian victim advocates said the information is especially important for policy makers, both at the federal level and in Indian country, to review. Research indicates that American Indian women experience physical assaults at a rate 50 percent higher than the next most victimized demographic, African-American males.

Fletcher, director of the Indigenous Law and Policy Center at Michigan State University, notes the Supreme Court has held that tribal governments do not have jurisdiction over domestic violence misdemeanors committed by non-Indians in Indian country.

The situation causes a major dilemma, especially for Indian women, since approximately one-quarter of all cases of family violence against Indians involve a non-Indian perpetrator. It’s a rate of interracial violence five times that involving other races.

“The law simply has to change,” said Kirsten Matoy Carlson, staff attorney for the Indian Law Resource Center based in Helena, Mont. “Tribes are in the best position to investigate and prosecute these crimes, yet the law prevents them from doing so.”

“Tribes must be able to prosecute and sentence violent perpetrators to protect Native women from the alarming rates of domestic violence and sexual assault. As it is, perpetrators of violence against Native women often face no consequences for their crimes. Studies report that violent offenders are likely to commit further violence when they are not held responsible for their crimes, and that domestic violence escalates over time. Sexual and domestic abusers know they can get away with committing heinous violent crimes against Native women and they regularly exploit this by targeting Native women.”

Fletcher, an enrolled member of the Grand Traverse Band of Ottawa and Chippewa Indians, closely monitors Supreme Court and other legal decisions involving Indian issues. He writes in the brief that among the traditional powers retained by Indian tribes under tribal sovereignty is the power to establish tribal courts and to prosecute criminal offenders for acts committed within Indian country.

He notes that traditionally, tribal sovereignty is inherent and undiminished unless the tribe has voluntarily divested itself of some aspect of its sovereignty, or if Congress has affirmatively acted to divest the tribes of a part of their sovereignty.

However, the Supreme Court changed these rules when it held in 1978 that Indian tribes may be divested of their sovereignty by a decree from the high court. This means that tribal governments do not actually have jurisdiction over domestic violence misdemeanors committed by non-Indians in Indian country.

“The Supreme Court has created – and Congress has not done enough to solve – a terrible irony,” Fletcher writes. “The law enforcement jurisdiction closest to the crime and with the greatest capacity and motivation for responding quickly, efficiently and fairly, has been stripped of the authority to react, leaving Indian women to suffer, and crimes of domestic violence to remain unresolved and unprosecuted.”

Fletcher says the scenario leaves Indian women who are the victims of domestic violence and physical assault by non-Indians in a quandary when federal and state authorities do not prosecute these crimes, which they often are not able to do because of a lack of resources and other factors.

Carlson says this “stripping of tribal criminal jurisdiction and refusal to ensure the prosecution of these crimes has grave consequences for the safety of Indian women.” This legal framework, she says, places Native women at increased risk for further victimization, and leaves them unprotected and without any legal recourse.

“There is no justice for Native women, and there won’t be until the law changes,” warned Carlson.

The brief proposes that Congress fix the situation by enacting legislation that recognizes tribal court jurisdiction over domestic violence and related misdemeanors committed by non-Indians in Indian country.

According to legal experts, Congress has not taken such action due to opposition from the Department of Justice and from various state governments that generally oppose tribal government activities.

Under Fletcher’s plan, tribal prosecutions for such crimes would proceed as do other tribal prosecutions.

The legal expert also proposes that Congress would condition the recognition of tribal sovereignty on a requirement that Indian tribes provide adequate constitutional and criminal safeguards. Tribes would have the ability to “opt-in” to the system.

Fletcher believes Congress has the constitutional authority to “untie the hands of Indian tribes” and permit them to once more enforce criminal laws against non-Indians in Indian country and stop the epidemic of violence against Indian women.

“Each day, an Indian woman is victimized by a person who likely will never be prosecuted,” he concludes in the brief. “It is time to act.”

GTB Revenue Sharing News Coverage

From the Traverse City Record-Eagle:

TRAVERSE CITY — For at least four years, Toni Ferris’ special education students built self-esteem and coordination through regular swimming lessons.

But this year’s lessons nearly didn’t happen: The grant-supported program, designed for students with mild cognitive impairments in Traverse City Area Public Schools, didn’t receive funding by the start of the school year.

So Ferris, their teacher at the former Glenn Loomis Elementary, applied again, and received about $9,500 from the Grand Traverse Band of Ottawa and Chippewa Indians shortly before Valentine’s Day.

The funds will help about 50 students with disabilities swim at the Grand Traverse County Civic Center pool from late April through mid-June.

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Connecticut Law Review Note Profiles GTB and Criminal Jurisdiction

Benjamin J. Cordiano published “Unspoken Assumptions: Examing Tribal Jurisdiction over Nonmembers Nearly Two Decades after Duro v. Reina” in the Connecticut Law Review. Here is an excerpt from the abstract:

This Note examines the Supreme Court’s reasoning in Duro and uses nearly twenty years of anecdotal evidence, case law, and congressional findings to show that the Court relied on flawed assumptions about the nature of nonmember criminal jurisdiction in the modern tribal context. By examining the modern realities of two tribes, the Grand Traverse Band of Ottawa and Chippewa Indians and the Confederated Tribes of the Colville Reservation, this Note concludes that the Supreme Court’s reasoning in Duro is flawed and that criminal jurisdiction over nonmember Indians is crucial to tribal self-governance and maintenance of reservation life.

GTB Chairman’s Conference

From the Leelanau News (via Indianz):

The scene was almost reminiscent of a gathering last month in Washington, D.C. when four living U.S. presidents met with then-President Elect Barack Obama at the White House.

TRIBAL CHAIRMAN: Derek Bailey (top, center) presents four former Grand Traverse Band leaders with a personalized arrow at a summit last week. Also pictured are Ardith “Dodie” Chambers and George Bennett in the front row, and Bob Kewaygoshkum (left) and Joseph “Buddy” Raphael in the top row.TRIBAL CHAIRMAN Derek Bailey (top, center) presents four former Grand Traverse Band leaders with a personalized arrow at a summit last week. Also pictured are Ardith “Dodie” Chambers and George Bennett in the front row, and Bob Kewaygoshkum (left) and Joseph “Buddy” Raphael in the top row.
On Friday, the five living leaders of Leelanau County’s only sovereign nation gathered for a first-ever summit of tribal chairmen of the Grand Traverse Band of Ottawa and Chippewa Indians.

The meeting was held at the tribe’s Turtle Creek Casino in Grand Traverse County and hosted by newly-elected Tribal Chairman Derek Bailey. The former leaders talked about personal feelings of pride and satisfaction, overcoming tough times, and an ever-present focus on future generations.

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ICT Editorial on Carcieri

From ICT:

Decision’s in. ‘Now’ begins work to fix Carcieri

The Supreme Court’s Feb. 24 decision in Carcieri v. Salazar is a significant defeat for the Narragansett Tribe, and perhaps for hundreds of other Indian tribes not federally recognized in 1934. Carcieri seemingly overturns the Department of Interior’s 70-year-plus practice of taking land into trust for Indian tribes federally recognized after 1934. But while the decision will be disruptive and expensive for Indian tribes affected, it might not be utterly devastating.

Carcieri held that the secretary has no authority to take land into trust for the Narragansetts because they are not an eligible Indian tribe as defined by the 1934 Indian Reorganization Act. Only tribes that meet the definition of “Indian tribe” under the IRA are eligible for the fee to trust benefit; in other words, according to the court, tribes that were “under federal jurisdiction” on June 1, 1934. The secretary of the interior did not recognize the Narragansett Tribe as an Indian tribe at that time, and so the court held that the secretary may not take land into trust for the tribe under the IRA. The court’s cramped reading of “now” is the worst kind of judicial formalism, like that recently critiqued by Professor Alex Skibine in the American Indian Law Review.

It is important to parse out exactly which tribes – and which land parcels – are affected by this decision. First, Indian lands already in trust with the secretary of the interior are safe, because the United States already owns the land and is immune from a suit seeking to reverse a fee to trust acquisition. That means tribes operating business enterprises on trust land will be protected by the federal government’s immunity. Second, Indian tribes such as the Pokagon Band of Potawatomi Indians with special statutes authorizing the secretary to take land into trust for them, usually as a result of a congressional recognition act or land claims settlement act, also are exempted.

The Supreme Court’s Feb. 24 decision in Carcieri v. Salazar is a significant defeat for the Narragansett Tribe, and perhaps for hundreds of other Indian tribes not federally recognized in 1934.

Interestingly, the final paragraph in Justice Clarence Thomas’ majority opinion – a major litigation-starter – appears to assume that the Carcieri case is limited to its facts, and therefore only applies to the Narragansett Tribe. The concurring opinions from Justices Stephen Breyer and David Souter, as well as Justice John Paul Stevens’ dissent, suggest that numerous other tribes that can demonstrate that they were “under federal jurisdiction” in 1934, even if “the Department did not know it at the time,” in Breyer’s words. The concurring and dissenting justices named several tribes that fit into this category, including the Stillaguamish Tribe, the Grand Traverse Band of Ottawa and Chippewa Indians, and the Mole Lake Tribe. In short, according to Justice Breyer, a tribe that could show it was party to a treaty with the United States, the beneficiary of a pre-1934 congressional appropriation, or enrollment with the Indian Office as of 1934. The Narragansett Tribe, according to the court, was under the jurisdiction of Rhode Island in 1934, not the Department of the Interior, and so they are not eligible.

These exceptions to the general Carcieri rule mean that Indian tribes in the twilight of the concurring opinions may be engaged in expensive litigation to prove that they were “under federal jurisdiction” in 1934. Such litigation may require the heavy expenditure of funds for expert witnesses, forcing some tribes to undergo the strange and humiliating process of earning a kind of federal recognition all over again. In the coming weeks, the Obama administration should take the lead in defining what “under federal jurisdiction” means to blunt the effect of the Supreme Court’s decision.

The Obama administration should take the lead in defining what “under federal jurisdiction” means to blunt the effect of the Supreme Court’s decision.

Regardless, now is the time for Indian country to test the waters in Washington D.C., to see if the Obama administration is serious about change and to press the Democratic-controlled Congress for a Carcieri “fix.” It might not take much legislation, just a quick rewording of the definition of Indian tribe in the IRA to remove the word “now.” The administration and Congress may be sympathetic, given that the Roberts Court seems to go out of its way to punish Indian tribes. A Carcieri “fix” pitched as merely reversing a bad Supreme Court decision would not work a major change on the federal-tribal-state relationship because it would merely be restoring the pre-Carcieri state of affairs that had existed for over seven decades.

For the Narragansett Tribe, this decision is yet another slap in the face to a tribe that has done nothing wrong but what it can to survive. For six justices, the Narragansetts did not pass the test of “federal jurisdiction,” a test that no one could have known in 1934 they would have been required to pass. Nothing could be more arbitrary and capricious.

Matthew L.M. Fletcher is associate professor at the Michigan State University College of Law and director of the Northern Plains Indian Law Center. He is an enrolled citizen of the Grand Traverse Band of Ottawa and Chippewa Indians.

Carcieri and Its Potential Impact on Michigan Indian Tribes

I’m not going to add much to Bryan Newland’s reasonable commentary on the Carcieri decision, and my overall views will be in Indian Country Today on Thursday.

This post is about the potential impact of Carcieri on Michigan Indian tribes. I want to emphasize that this case may have significant potential impacts for Michigan tribes. The Grand Traverse Band in particular extensively cooperated with the Tribal Supreme Court Project substantively from the time this case first appeared in the First Circuit; one wouldn’t necessarily know that from the opinion and the pleadings, which are all under the banner of the National Congress of American Indians. NCAI owes GTB a great deal here for the risk it took.

GTB, as a tribe somewhat similarly situated to the Narragansett Tribe, had a great deal to lose by popping their heads up and taking a stand in this case. The Court could have come down with a much harsher bright-line rule. One should realize how this case could have — and may still — be a serious blow to the Grand Traverse Band and other tribes like them.

Here are my thoughts on the potential impact on Michigan Indian Tribes:

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